Thursday, October 1, 2026
These past few weeks have been difficult for middle-of the-road Democrats. Candidates aligned with the Democratic Socialists of America have won roughly half of 70 or so contested primary contests nationwide. The Wall Street Journal called the DSA successes “the political story of 2026.” But will the DSA drag the Democratic Party permanently to the left, or will it fade away, as the Tea Party did on the Republican side in the mid-2010s?
Over the past 50 years, I have seen the Democratic Party tugged left and center by a number of forces, but in the end the moderates have always won the tug of war. The first big DSA win was in New York City, when Zohran Mamdani was elected mayor. He has now been in office just over six months, and the political jury is still out on whether he will be able to hold on to his job for more than one term.
To date, Mamdani has won some major victories, and kept his pledges to the voters who supported him. He has gotten lots of money from Albany for pre-K and child care programs, and his promised rent freeze has been approved. He has not delivered yet on his promise of free buses, because that’s a cost that would hurt all New Yorkers who use mass transit, and can’t afford to subsidize bus riders.
Mamdani got elected by virtue of the fact that his only primary opponent was former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who turned out to be a weak candidate. Mamdani’s success can also attributed to the so-called socialists’ mastery of social media. Moderate Democrats have failed to use that medium as effectively, giving the DSA a gift that other candidates around the country have benefited from as well.
Can the DSA become a major force in American politics? I personally doubt its long-term ability to survive, but I may be proven wrong. An August 2025 Gallup poll found that 39 percent of Americans had a positive view of socialism, while 57 percent had a negative view. Socialist positions like defunding the police, eliminating rent and solidarity with the Palestinian cause may energize the base, but they remain liabilities in swing districts and national races. A recent article in the Atlantic reported that the DSA’s sectarian wing has refused to endorse a Democratic presidential nominee. That will undercut its political influence.
The recent DSA wins have been concentrated in cities such as New York, Seattle, Denver and Washington, where progressive voters dominate. The organization has no U.S. senators and only a handful of House members, and no member of the DSA has never won a statewide race. And the Mamdani victory is instructive. He won because he softened his image, distancing himself from defunding the police, and stuck to bread-and-butter issues.
The socialist movement has an internal contradiction. Its ideologically pure wing alienates voters it needs to build majority coalitions, while its more electable candidates drift toward positions that look a lot like those of typical progressives. In the early 1970s, the New Democratic Coalition made a run at taking over the moderate wing of the Democratic Party, but failed because it lacked a strong party structure.
Electoral success in blue cities does not equal long-term political viability. For socialist candidates to establish durable legitimacy, they will need to demonstrate competence at governing. Mamdani is being watched closely to see if he can hold on to his base. To do so he will have to relax some of his stated positions, which has already unnerved some of his DSA supporters. One example, that went beyond his campaign pledges, was his decision to keep the city police commissioner, Jessica Tisch, in her position.
Some of my Democratic friends in high party positions have reached for the panic button, but I’ve urged them to hold their fire. The DSA and its base have yet to capture the Democratic centrists and hold them hostage. They may notch a few more wins, but governing in the modern era is a big challenge for a small, fledgling movement. History informs me that the moderates in the Democratic Party are still in charge, and, while threatened, are very much alive and well.
Jerry Kremer was a state assemblyman for 23 years, and chaired the Assembly’s Ways and Means Committee for 12 years. He currently chairs the Capitol Insight Group, a government relations firm.
